ZNAK SAGITE — više od fantastike — edicija, časopis, knjižara...

Recimo, evo dobrog i svežeg primera. Da se kladimo da će, čim se taj kao rat završi, tamo biti jeftine radne snage za pravljenje modernih puteva i železnica, prema Iraku, Iranu, Kazahstanu, Avganistanu, Indiji i Kini 

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-middle-east-19740069

Syria refugees to reach 700,000 by year's end - UNHCR

The UN's refugee agency has warned that as many as 700,000 people could have fled Syria by the end of the year, a huge increase on its previous estimate.



http://www.forbes.com/sites/sap/2012/09/26/cloud-paves-the-new-silk-road-for-kazakhstan-in-central-asia/

Cloud Paves the New Silk Road for Kazakhstan in Central Asia

When I met with Kazakhstan officials to consult on their G-cloud, it was clear that cloud computing can have an enormous impact to help Kazakhstan modernize its government and diversify its economy.

Kazakhstan is the economic crown jewel of Central Asia, having achieved independence from the former Soviet Union in 1991. The region sits at the crossroads of Europe, Asia and the Middle East and boasts some of the fastest growing emerging economies in the world.

Map of Kazakhstan with Uzbekistan to the south

As the largest former Soviet territory, Kazakhstan possesses enormous fossil fuel reserves, minerals and metals. Mining, agriculture and extraction and processing of natural resources drive the economy. Tourism, telecommunications and financial services are growing.

Today, Kazakhstan has grown its foreign trade by 40% and GDP by 7.5%. Investment has led to nearly 400 new industries, 90,000 industrial sector jobs and 60 new businesses that produced 2 billion dollars of products.

Kufer, pomalo turaš događaje u svoju teoriju. Postoje i druge teorije u koje se može turiti više događaja nego što ti uspevaš.

Kazahstan ima 16,6 miliona stanovnika. A vidi kakav potencijal. Da se kladimo  da će tamo da ide priliv izbeglica kad izbije rat zbog Muhamedovog magarca 

A evo ga i najnoviji afrički primer.

Sudan and South Sudan 'agree oil deal'

I tamo je kao neki verski rat?


Sudan and South Sudan have reached a deal on border security and oil production that will allow oil exports from South Sudan through Sudan to resume, say spokesmen for both sides.

The two countries came to the brink of war earlier this year.

After fighting over oil facilities and disputed land broke out, the United Nations threatened both sides with sanctions if they did not reach a comprehensive agreement.

If this deal is signed, getting the oil flowing again would boost both economies, our correspondent says.

A gladni crnci ima da zarađuju po 2 dolara dnevno, jebote !!!

Kazahstan je samo formalno nezavisan. Pa, Rusi im čak i tenisere daju na otplatu. Tamo je i Bajkonur, valjda.

Evo sad ova rečenica treba da nam skrene pažnju da je tamo zapravo verski rat a ne oko ulja 

South Sudan, where people chiefly follow the Christian faith or traditional indigenous religions, fought for decades with mainly Muslim Sudan.

Quote from: scallop on 27-09-2012, 14:37:32
Kazahstan je samo formalno nezavisan. Pa, Rusi im čak i tenisere daju na otplatu. Tamo je i Bajkonur, valjda.

Danas su svi samo formalno nezavisni.

Stvar je u tome što u Aziji imaju ogromna prostranstva s ogromnim resursima, a tu ne možeš da šalješ skupu radnu snagu iz Nemačke i Srbije. Sve te investicije plaćaju poreski obveznici razvijenog sveta, a rat je izgovor da se ta pljačka zabašuri.

Eh, da je 2 dolara dnevno. Moj kum je nekada radio u Tanzaniji i po zakonu nisu smeli da najme domoroce za rad po kući i dvorištu za više od 8 $ mesečno. Odonda imam priču "Brekfest" sa lupanjem kašikom o sto.


Jebote, ne mogu da postignem tvoje 2 u 1. Čime se to ložiš?

I još neka neko zucne kako su Marks i Lenjin sa "Imperijalizom kao poslednjim stadijum kapitalizma" pogrešili.
Sto put sam govorio gde su sve eorije zavere samo dogovori krupnog kapitala, a meni jok, nemaš ti pojma, to je slobodno tržište. I sad treba jedan Kufer da pojasni stvar.
Kufere 

Spain budget to impose further austerity measures

Spain is due to set out its austerity budget for 2013 later, against a backdrop of a deteriorating economy and 25% unemployment rate.

Madrid is expected to outline 39bn euros ($50bn; £31bn) worth of savings, tax rises, and structural reforms.

A ZATIM KAŽE

Last week, Spain's second biggest bank, BBVA, estimated that up to another 60bn euros (£48bn; $78bn) will be needed to bail out the banking sector.

About 20bn euros has already been allocated to troubled banks.



A banking sector je upravo ta Asian Development Bank koja zajmi pare nerazvijenim azijskim zemljama...

http://www.adb.org/

Čista pljačka, vade iz očiju, a predstavlja se kao nekakva ekonomska kriza, recesija itd, a jasno je da je u pitanju savršena, globalna manipulacija do sada neviđenih razmera.

Ovako je i Jugoslavija građena, zajmovima, a onda je Tito bio kriv


http://www.adb.org/news/extra-loan-bihar-highways-incorporates-climate-concerns

MANILA, PHILIPPINES – The Asian Development Bank (ADB) will lend an extra $300 million to India to upgrade an additional 254 kilometers of state highways in Bihar, one of the poorest states in the country, while at the same time addressing some of the challenges of climate change.

"Building better roads to help more people get to jobs, schools, markets, and clinics more efficiently is critical to improving lives and livelihoods, but doing that in a way that doesn't harm the environment is also key," said Lee Ming Tai, Transport Specialist in ADB's South Asia Department.

A onda će da im prodaju jeftine kineske solarne kolektore 

Cirkus

Calif. man behind anti-Muslim film ordered jailed   

QuoteLOS ANGELES (AP) — The surrounding mystery of the man behind the crudely produced anti-Islamic video that sparked violence in the Middle East took a strange turn after he appeared in court and gave yet another name in a string of aliases.
Arrested on Thursday after authorities said he violated his probation from a 2010 check fraud conviction, Nakoula Basseley Nakoula told a judge his real name was Mark Basseley Youseff. He said he'd been using that name since 2002, even though he went by Nakoula in his fraud case.
The full story about Nakoula and the video "Innocence of Muslims" still isn't known more than two weeks after violence erupted in Egypt and Libya, where Ambassador Christopher Stevens and three others were killed in Benghazi. Violence related to the film has since spread, killing dozens more.
Citing a lengthy pattern of deception and the potential to flee, U.S. Central District Chief Magistrate Judge Suzanne Segal ordered Nakoula to remain in prison without bond until another judge can hold a hearing to determine if he broke the terms of his probation.
"The court has a lack of trust in this defendant at this time," Segal said.
Prosecutors noted Nakoula had eight probation violations, including lying to his probation officers and using aliases. He could face new charges that carry a maximum two-year prison term.
After his 2010 conviction, Nakoula was sentenced to 21 months in prison and was barred from using computers or the Internet for five years without approval from his probation officer, though prosecutors said none of the violations involved the Internet. He also wasn't supposed to use any name other than his true legal name without the prior written approval of his probation officer.
Three names, however, have been associated with Nakoula this month alone.
The movie was made last year by a man who called himself Sam Bacile. After the violence erupted, a man who identified himself as Bacile spoke to media outlets including The Associated Press, took credit for the film and said it was meant to portray the truth about Muhammad and Islam, which he called a cancer.
The next day, the AP determined there was no Bacile and linked the identity to Nakoula, a former gas station owner with a drug conviction and a history of using aliases. Federal authorities later confirmed there was no Bacile and that Nakoula was behind the movie.
Some of the false statements in Nakoula's alleged probation violations had to do with the film, Assistant U.S. Attorney Robert Dugdale said. Nakoula told probation officials his role was just writing the script, and denied going by the name Sam Bacile in connection with the film, Dugdale said.
Before going into hiding, Nakoula acknowledged to the AP that he was involved with the film, but said he only worked on logistics and management.
Nakoula, a Christian originally from Egypt, then went into hiding after he was identified as the man behind the trailer, which depicts Muhammad as a womanizer, religious fraud and child molester. He met with federal probation officials two weeks ago, led out of his home in suburban Cerritos in the middle of the night, flanked by Los Angeles County sheriff's deputies and cloaked in heavy clothing to protect his identity.
The public got their first good look at Nakoula on Thursday, although the news media was banned from the courtroom and reporters had to watch the proceedings on a TV in a nearby courthouse.
Nakoula wore beige pants and a collared shirt when he was led into the courtroom handcuffed and shackled. He appeared relaxed, smiling at one point before the hearing and conferring with his attorney.
Nakoula's attorney Steven Seiden sought to have the hearing closed and his client released on $10,000 bail. He argued Nakoula has checked in with his probation officer frequently and made no attempts to leave Southern California.
Seiden was concerned that Nakoula would be in danger in federal prison because of Muslim inmates, but prosecutors said he likely would be placed in protective custody.
Lawrence Rosenthal, a constitutional and criminal law professor at Chapman University School of Law in Orange, said it was "highly unusual" for a judge to order immediate detention on a probation violation for a nonviolent crime, but if there were questions about Nakoula's identity it was more likely.
"When the prosecution doesn't really know who they're dealing with, it's much easier to talk about flight," Rosenthal said. "I've prosecuted individuals who'd never given a real address. You don't know who you're dealing with, and you're just going to have very limited confidence about their ability to show up in court."
Enraged Muslims have demanded punishment for Nakoula, and a Pakistani cabinet minister has offered a $100,000 bounty to anyone who kills him.
First Amendment advocates have defended Nakoula's right to make the film while condemning its content. And federal officials likely will face criticism from those who say Nakoula's free speech rights were trampled by his arrest on a probation violation.
In arguing that Nakoula is a possible flight risk, Dugdale said Nakoula couldn't even reveal something as fundamental as his real name.
"He's a person who simply can't be trusted," he said.
___
Associated Press writer Gillian Flaccus contributed to this report.   

Sad bi trebalo da hinimo iznenađenost:

NATO makes plans to back Turkey over Syria spillover 

Quote
HACIPASA, Turkey (Reuters) - NATO said it had drawn up plans to defend Turkey if necessary should the war in Syria spill over their border again as dozens of people were killed across the Arab nation on Tuesday.
Fighting between Syrian rebels and government forces could be heard from this Turkish border town following on from several days of clashes in the past week. One Syrian villager said a rebel push on the town of Azmarin was expected soon.
In Damascus, rebel suicide bombers struck at an Air Force Intelligence compound used as an interrogation centre - the latest attack to bring the conflict close to President Bashar al-Assad's power base.
"Assad...is only able to stand up with crutches," Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan told a meeting of his ruling AK Party. "He will be finished when the crutches fall away."
Erdogan, reacting to six consecutive days when shells fired from Syrian soil have landed on Turkish territory, has warned Ankara will not shrink from war if forced to act.
But his government has also stressed it would be reluctant to mount any big operation on Syrian soil and then only with international support.
It was not clear whether the shells hitting Turkish territory were aimed to strike there or were due to Syrian troops overshooting as they attacked rebels to their north.
NATO Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen said in Brussels the 28-member military alliance hoped a way could be found to stop tensions escalating on the border.
"We have all necessary plans in place to protect and defend Turkey if necessary," he said.
Elsewhere in Syria, rebels took control of the town of Maarat al-Nuaman, which lies on the main north-south highway in the northern province of Idlib, after a 48-hour battle with soldiers, according to rebels and activists.
Video sent to Reuters, which activists said was filmed in Maarat al-Nuaman on Monday, showed dozens of fighters on a main street. Other footage purported to show fighters taking over a prison and army-held buildings in the town.
The British-based Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, which monitors the violence, said 90 people had been killed so far on Tuesday, including 29 soldiers, compared to a death toll of 210 on Monday.
Activists estimated more than 100 dead or wounded in the bombing of the intelligence compound in Damascus.
The militant Islamist group al-Nusra Front said it had mounted the attack because the base was used a centre for torture and repression.
"Big shockwaves shattered windows and destroyed shop facades. It felt as if a bomb exploded inside every house in the area," said one resident of the suburb of Harasta, where the compound was located.
The sharp rise in casualties in the past month indicates the growing intensity of the war, which developed from peaceful protests against Assad in March 2011 into a full-scale civil war.
An estimated 30,000 people have been killed as main cities such as Aleppo, Homs and the capital itself are savagely contested.
U.N. special envoy Lakhdar Brahimi will go to Syria soon to try to persuade the Assad government to call an immediate ceasefire.
ON THE BORDER
In the border area, there was no sign of any breakthrough by either side though activists said rebels killed at least 40 soldiers on Saturday in a 12-hour battle to take the village of Khirbet al-Joz.
Just outside Hacipasa, nestled among olive groves in Turkey's Hatay province, the sound of mortar fire could be heard every 10 to 15 minutes on Tuesday from around the Syrian town of Azmarin. A Syrian helicopter flew over the border.
Villagers used ropes and boats to ferry the wounded across a river into Turkey.
Rebels with AK-47s slung over their shoulders carried an Free Syrian Army officer down to the river bank on the Syrian side, using a carpet and two poles as a makeshift stretcher.
He had been shot in the chest and had a chest drain and drip attached. The rebels said they had dealt with roughly 20 wounded people and two dead on Tuesday.
The seriously wounded are ferried across to Turkey, while those less severely hurt are patched up at a makeshift first aid centre on the river bank and sent back into Syria.
Musana Barakat, 46, an Azmarin resident who makes frequent trips between the two countries, pointed at plumes of smoke in the distance and said Assad's troops were burning houses there.
"There are rebels hiding in and around the town and they are going to make a push tonight to drive Assad's forces out," he said, a Syrian passport sticking out of his shirt pocket.
A crowd gathered around a saloon car, the blood-stained body of a man who had been pulled wounded from the fighting slumped across its back seat. Those with him said he had been rescued alive but died after being brought over the border.
Turkish President Abdullah Gul said on Monday the "worst-case scenarios" were now playing out in Syria and Turkey would do everything necessary to protect itself.
Gul and Erdogan, in seeking Western and Arab support, have repeatedly warned of the dangers of fighting in Syria spilling over into a sectarian war engulfing the entire region.
Turkey's chief of general staff, General Necdet Ozel, flew by helicopter to several bases in Hatay province on Tuesday, part of Turkey's 900-km (560-mile) border with Syria.
The shelling of the Turkish town of Akcakale last Wednesday, which killed five civilians, marked a sharp escalation.
Turkey has been responding in kind since then to gunfire or mortar bombs flying over the border and has bolstered its military presence along the frontier.
"We are living in constant fear. The mortar sounds have really picked up since this morning. The children are really frightened," said Hali Nacioglu, 43, a farmer from the village of Yolazikoy near Hacipasa.
Unlike the flat terrain around Akcakale, the border area in Hatay is marked by rolling hills with heavy vegetation. Syrian towns and villages, including Azmarin, are clearly visible just a few kilometers away.
"It's only right that Turkey should respond if it gets fired on but we really don't want war to break out. We want this to finish as soon as possible," said Abidin Tunc, 49, a tobacco farmer also from Yolazikoy.
Turkey was once an ally of Assad but turned against him after his violent response to the uprising. It has nearly 100,000 Syrian refugees in camps on its territory, has given sanctuary to rebel leaders and has led calls for Assad to quit.
(Additional reporting by Khaled Yacoub Oweis in Amman, Adrian Croft in Brussels, John Irish in Paris; Mariam Karouny in Beirut, Writing by Nick Tattersall,; Editing by Angus MacSwan and Michael Roddy)

Pa, da. Neko mora da odbrani Tursku od nasilne i dvolične Sirije.

E, dakle, Njuzvik. Autor je musliman (bivši pakistanski ambasador u SAD, danas predaje na bostonskom univerzitetu) i ovo je prilično trezven tekst:


Husain Haqqani: Muslim Rage Is About Politics, Not Religion

Quote
Muslims have good reason to be angry—and it's not a sophomoric movie trailer on youtube.


Thousands of cellphone subscribers in Pakistan received an anonymous text message recently announcing a miracle: an earthquake on Tuesday, Sept. 18, had destroyed the Washington, D.C. movie theater that was exhibiting Innocence of Muslims, the controversial film that has triggered violent protests in several Muslim countries. An email version of the text message even included a picture of a mangled structure. Allah, the texter claimed, had shown His anger against the movie's insult to Islam and Prophet Muhammad, and with Him on their side the faithful should not be afraid to vent their anger against the West, which belittles Islam and abuses Islam's prophet.


There was, of course, no earthquake in Washington, and no movie theater had been destroyed. In fact, the movie has never made its way beyond YouTube. But for several days, the fabricated text message and email made the rounds, forwarded and reforwarded around Pakistan and in some cases to Pakistanis living in the diaspora. It was part of a campaign to arouse Muslim passions by what author Salman Rushdie has termed "the outrage industry." Similar false mass messaging convinced millions after 9/11 that Jews had been warned to stay away from the Twin Towers, implying a conspiracy that many still believe without a shred of evidence. Last year, after U.S. special forces killed Osama bin Laden, anonymous messages suggested that the raid in Abbottabad was a staged event and bin Laden had been killed months earlier.

Such well-organized manipulation of sentiment belies the notion that orchestrated protests are spontaneous expressions of Muslim rage. Like followers of any other religion, Muslims do not like insults to their faith or to their prophet. But the protests that make the headlines are the function of politics, not religion. Hoping to avoid being accused of siding with blasphemers, the Pakistani government tried to align itself with the protesters' cause by declaring a public holiday and calling it "Love of the Prophet Day." Although 95 percent of Pakistan's 190 million people are Muslim, only an estimated 45,000 actually took part in that Friday's demonstrations around the country against Innocence of Muslims. The protests mattered largely because of their violence: as many as 17 people were killed and scores injured.  Men of religion have often slandered each other's faiths. Islam has endured its share of criticism and abuse over the centuries, especially from Christians, against whom they fought for control of the Levant and the southern corners of Europe during the Crusades and the Ottoman wars. The 14th-century Byzantine emperor Manuel II Palaeologus hurled the ultimate insult at Muslims when he declared that everything Muhammad brought was evil, "such as his command to spread by the sword the faith he preached." Historically, Muslims returned the favor by pointing out the flaws in other religions and outlining their own perfect faith. Muslim emperors ruled over large non-Muslim populations while Muslim preachers and Sufi mystics worked to proselytize and win converts to Islam. But there is no record in those days of mob violence against foreign envoys or traders in retaliation for blasphemy against Muhammad or Islam allegedly committed by Islam's enemies in distant lands.  The phenomenon of outrage over insults to Islam and its final prophet is a function of modern-era politics. It started during Western colonial rule, with Muslim politicians seeking issues to mobilize their constituents. Secular leaders focused on opposing foreign domination, and Islamists emerged to claim that Islam is not merely a religion but also a political ideology. Threats to the faith became a rallying cry for the Islamists, who sought wedge issues to define their political agenda. To this day, Islamists are often the ones who draw attention to otherwise obscure attacks on Islam and then use those attacks to muster popular support. The effort is often aided by Islamophobes hoping to create their own wedges by portraying Islam as a threat to Western civilization. Conservative and practicing Muslims who are not Islamists are caught in the middle, along with scholarly commentators on Islamic history and tradition who are not Islamophobes.  The past two decades have seen periodic outbreaks of protest over insults to Prophet Muhammad and Islam. In each case, the protesters were not reacting to something they had seen or read in the ordinary course of life. With the exception of The Satanic Verses, none of the objects of complaint were even widely accessible until the public was whipped into a fury. The Islamists first introduced the objectionable material to their audience and then instigated the outrage by characterizing it as part of a supposed worldwide conspiracy to denigrate Islam. The emergence of social media and the swiftness of international communications have made it easier to choreograph global campaigns, and in Muslim-majority countries, Islamists tend to be among those who are most effectively organized to take advantage of technology for political ends.

An early prototype of these mass-mobilization campaigns centered on Rangeela Rasool (Playboy Prophet), a salacious version of Muhammad's life. Published in British India in 1927, the controversial book was hardly a bestseller. In fact it went mostly unnoticed until Muslim politicians encountered it two years later and complained. The British authorities arrested and tried the book's publisher, Rajpal, only to acquit him. Agitation by Muslim groups encouraged a young illiterate carpenter by the single name Ilmuddin to stab the publisher to death in Lahore. Ilmuddin was given the title of ghazi ("warrior for the faith") by Islamist political groups and was defended in court, albeit on technical grounds (and unsuccessfully), by Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who would later become the founder of Pakistan. The British amended the Indian penal code to add punishment for blasphemy and incitement of religious hatred.

The Rangeela Rasool controversy polarized Hindus and Muslims, particularly in the Punjab. The region eventually had to be parceled out between the two religions in the 1947 Partition, and the two Punjabs suffered the most brutal communal violence of that horrific time. Pakistani leaders sometimes cite the book's publication as an example of how the Islamic faith would have been threatened under non-Muslim rule had the British left the subcontinent undivided. It does not matter in that political argument that there are roughly as many Muslims today in India as there are in Pakistan.  "Defending the honor of the prophet" is widely regarded as a worthy cause, not to be opposed or criticized even by secular Muslims. If a secular politician dares to point out that the faith of 1.6 billion people can scarcely be threatened by a book with a print run of only 1,000 copies, he can easily be targeted as a defender of blasphemers. The governor of Pakistan's Punjab province, Salmaan Taseer, was murdered last year by his own bodyguard for questioning the reasonableness of Pakistan's blasphemy laws. The country's Islamist media described Taseer's killer as a latter day Ilmuddin, and lawyers showered him with rose petals.  Like all modern political tactics, religious protests tend to be timed for best effect. The Egyptian Nobel laureate Naguib Mahfouz first published Children of Gabalawi—an allegorical novel in Arabic that allegedly belittled Islam—in 1959. And yet the book didn't become the target of significant protests until 30 years later, after Mahfouz won the Nobel Prize for literature, and Omar Abdel-Rahman, the "Blind Sheik," currently in U.S. prison for instigating terrorism, condemned the 1959 book. The publicity surrounding the 1988 Nobel Prize provided an ideal opportunity for Sheik Omar to rally his base and advance the cause of polarizing Egyptian society. His fatwa finally caught up with Mahfouz in 1994, when a knife-wielding Islamist stabbed the novelist in the neck, leaving him hospitalized for several weeks and suffering from permanent nerve damage.  Obscure books and writers can be just as useful. Pakistan's Jamaat-e-Islami ("Islamic Party") has never done well in elections, but it has a long record of seeking, publicizing, and capitalizing on perceived insults to Islam in hope of flexing its political muscle. Its activists are trained in street protests and choreographed demonstrations, and the party was one of the main organizers of the protests against Innocence of Muslims in Pakistan. Back in 1971, in the midst of the civil war that led to the creation of Bangladesh (and soon after Jamaat-e-Islami had suffered a humiliating defeat at the polls), the party discovered and loudly denounced The Turkish Art of Love, a sex manual containing derogatory references to Prophet Muhammad that was published in 1933. During the ensuing riots, Christian churches were attacked, and liquor shops (which were legal at the time) were looted. The British Council building in Lahore was also attacked.  Ironically, all the books that have been targeted for protests over the years remain available to this day. Rangeela Rasool can be downloaded from the Internet. Children of Gabalawi continues to be read in many languages. Even The Turkish Art of Love can be easily bought almost anywhere in the world. The Satanic Verses protests of 1989, culminating in Ayatollah Khomeini's fatwa against author Salman Rushdie, only increased the book's sales.  If the protests were really supposed to silence insults against Islam and the Prophet Muhammad, their failure should by now be obvious. Instead of being shut down, objectionable books and movies have gained publicity. Obscure publications—and, in the latest case, Internet posts—have become internationally known. Rather than ending dissemination of material offensive to Muslim sensibilities, the protests have almost always had the opposite effect. In the case of Innocence of Muslims, the video was posted on YouTube in June, but hardly anyone paid attention to it until Egyptian Islamists broadcast it in early September.

There is nothing in Islamic tradition that requires Muslims to come out in the streets and throw rocks or set things on fire every time they hear of someone insulting their faith. Like Jewish and Christian scriptures, Islam's sacred texts speak of divine retribution as well as of God's mercy. References to holy war are interspersed with exhortations to charity, kindness toward others, and respect for life. Every chapter of the Quran begins with the words "In the name of Allah (God), the most compassionate, the most merciful," encouraging believers to practice mercy over retribution.

In fact, the Quran refers to Prophet Muhammad as "Rehmatul-lil-Alameen" or "the one bringing compassion for all worlds." After announcing his prophethood, Muhammad prayed for those who insulted or opposed him. In one famous episode, he once went to inquire about the health of an old woman in Mecca who had thrown garbage on him every day. When she failed to show up to deliver her daily insult, he was concerned. Such compassion won converts to Islam and contributed to the faith's expansion.  But a religion is what its followers make it, and the demands of Islamist politics in recent times have helped to stamp Muslims as being prone to anger and susceptible to violence. Meanwhile, bigoted nobodies have been made influential when their anti-Islam provocations have succeeded in unleashing the fury of tens of thousands around the world. But to the orchestrators of the protests, none of this matters. Their target is not the perpetrators of the insults and abuse. Instead they are only looking for ways in which to mobilize Muslims against the West, if only to present themselves subsequently as the mediators who can bridge that divide.  Since falling under Western colonial rule, the Muslim world has developed a narrative of grievance. The view is shared by Islamists, who consider Islam a political ideology, and other Muslims who don't. Like all national and community narratives, it has some elements that are true. It is a historical fact that the Muslim world spent centuries in ascendance before Western influence rose, and Muslim power declined. And there is no question that Western imperialism in the 19th and early 20th centuries was far from benign. It divided Muslims, denigrated them, and used modern technology—from the printing press to electronic media and the moving image—to render a caricature of a once-preeminent civilization and the faith that rests at its heart.  The current weakness of the Muslim world, however, is not entirely the fault of Western colonialism and postcolonial machinations. For a century or more, overcoming that weakness has been the driving force behind almost every major political movement in the Muslim world, from pan-Arabism to contemporary Islamism. Nevertheless, Muslims have made practically no serious effort to understand the causes and remedies of their decline over the past 300 years. Outrage and resentment—and the conspiracy theories that inform them—are poor substitutes for comprehending why Islam's lost glory has proved so difficult to resurrect.  Islamists see the world as polarized between the Ummah (the community of believers, whom they describe as one nation) and the rest. The West's rise, rather than the Ummah's decline, receives far greater attention from Islamist scholars and leaders. Their worldview is summarized in the Arabic-language title of a book by the Indian Islamist scholar Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi. Its English-language version is unremarkable enough—Islam and the World: The Rise and Decline of Muslims and Its Effect on Mankind. But the Arabic edition's title translates literally as: What the World Lost by the Decline of Muslims. The civilizational narcissism is clear. "Our decline is the world's loss," it suggests. "We do not need to change anything. The West needs to fix things for us so that it does not lose the benefits of our civilization."  The outrage industry ensures that Muslims continue to blame others for their condition, raging over their impotence instead of focusing on economic, political, and social issues. At the same time, successive civilian and military governments in Pakistan have chosen to appease the dial-a-riot Islamist hardliners rather than confront them. A multitude of Islamist groups has sprouted, including jihadi militants battle-hardened in Afghanistan and Kashmir, and a competition of sorts now takes place among them over who is the greater champion of the honor of Islam and its prophet. A similar development is evident in the rivalry between the Muslim Brotherhood and the Salafists in Egypt and in other Arab countries.

Even strategically pro-Western rulers find it convenient to perpetuate the Ummah's narrative of Islam being under siege and Muslims being the targets of an insidious global conspiracy. Morale is kept up by bogus stories of miracles, such as the destruction of the theater that showed a blasphemous movie, or the one claiming that Neil Armstrong converted to Islam after hearing the call to prayer while he was on the moon. (He didn't.) It is rare to find mention of hard negative facts in the general discourse within the 57 member states of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), which collectively account for approximately one fifth of the world's population but only 7 percent of global output.

The economic dysfunction in the 22 Arab countries, several of them blessed with oil reserves, highlights how Muslim scholars and politicians have failed to understand and explain the waning power of the Ummah to their people. The Arab countries had a combined GDP of $1.9 trillion in 2010, compared with the European Union's GDP of $17.5 trillion. Spain alone produced $1.43 trillion in GDP, without the benefit of natural resources such as oil and gas. The wealth of Western nations comes from manufacturing and innovation, neither of which has found much favor in Muslim-majority countries.  A real debate among Muslims about their decline might identify why the Ottoman and Mughal empires refused to accept the printing press for more than two and a half centuries after Johannes Guttenberg invented movable type. It might also explain why Muslims failed to embrace the Industrial Revolution, modern banking, insurance, and the joint stock company, even after these had emerged in Europe. Instead, most of the discussion focuses on real or perceived historic injustice. "We are weak because we were colonized," Muslims tend to say, instead of recognizing that Muslim lands were colonized because they had become weak.  The "knowledge deficit" mentioned in the Arab Development Report of 2002 continues to worsen. Roughly half the world's illiterate adults are found among Muslims, and two thirds of that number are women. Greece, with a population of 11 million, translates more books from other languages than the entire Arab world, which has a cumulative population of 360 million. Since the 9th century, when the Abbasid rulers of Baghdad patronized learning and built a huge library for its time, only 100,000 books have been translated from other languages into Arabic. The same number of books are translated from other languages into Spanish every year.  A thousand years ago, Muslims led the world in the field of science and mathematics. Today they are noticeably absent from any list of recent inventors and innovators in science and technology. Since 1901, only two Muslims have won a Nobel Prize in the sciences, and one of them (Pakistan's Dr. Abdus Salam, Physics, 1979) is not deemed a Muslim in his home country because of his association with the Ahmadiyya sect. Not coincidentally, only a handful of Muslim-majority countries fulfill the criteria for freedom set by the independent group Freedom House. Even the "Arab Spring" seems unlikely to change that harsh reality.  Decline, weakness, impotence, and helplessness are the words repeated most frequently in the speeches and writings of today's Muslim leaders. All four are conditions that feed outrage—the response of people lacking real power to change their circumstances. Ironically that response is cultivated by leaders who could channel their people's energy toward real solutions. Instead of orchestrating hate on the pretext of even the most insignificant provocation, Muslim leaders could extend literacy, expand education, and make their nations' economies more competitive. But as in Western democracies, the politics of wedge issues is always easier to pursue. Rising Islamophobia in Europe and North America helps Islamists keep things on the boil. "Us versus them" is always a useful distraction from "us versus our problems."

Da sam ja predavač na bostonskom univerzitetu i ja bih pisao slične tekstove. Naravno da je religija sredstvo, a ne cilj, samo, Zapad ni na koji način nije doprineo da se to shvati. Upravo suprotno, jer im ne treba razumevanje nego konflikt u kome misle da imaju prednost. Zašto bismo se ubeđivali ako možemo da se bombardujemo?

Ma, dobro, ovo je delom objašnjenje da nisu svi muslimani ekstremni, delom zašto su oni koji su ekstremni ekstremni i kako manipulišu masama itd. Fala bogu ima milion takvih tekstova o zapadnjacima, ali ne mnogo koji na "našem" jeziku dolaze od strane ljudi koji jesu muslimani.

Eh, Meho.   Džaba ti nudiš ljubav a ne rat kad ti uvek ponude rat umesto ljubavi. To je kao kad bih ja sad tebe pozvao da negde sednemo i izedemo mešano meso i zalijemo dobrim vinom, a ti pokušaš da mi objasniš kako si ti vegetarijanac, da ne jedeš meso. Onda ja tebi lepo objasnim da ja to iz ljubavi prema tebi i da nije lepo da odbiješ, jer se to može smatrati uvredom. I ti razumeš mene i jesi za ljubav, ali bi bilo zgodno da ja shvatim da se tebi svinjsko meso gadi, a da ti je vino verom zabranjeno. Tu ja zapnem sa tezom da se ljubav ne dokazuje samo uživanjem nego i iskušenjima... Završi se tako da ili postaneš predavač na bostonskom univerzitetu ili se dogovorimo da se potučemo, možda i kao kauboji, pa ako nećeš ni tako, mogu ja da ti pošaljem i par Cigana da te srede, jer ja znam i drugačije, ako ti već nećeš lepim. Capish?

Ne!!!

Ali nećemo sad radovati zbog toga!!!!

Šteta. 

Biće prilike!!!!!!!1

Jesi li ranije napisao "radovati", a hteo "ratovati"?

    Hahahahah, da. Ali eto, ne umem ni da zaratim kako treba. Ubi me taj pacifizam. 

pripremis neke gljive po skalopovom receptu i sve ce proci.

Biti religiozan znači biti ekstremista.

I biti vegetarijanac.

Biti religiozan znači biti vegetarijanac ili biti vegetarijanac znači biti ekstremista??? Pošto je teško složiti se sa ijednom od izjava, pa da znam sa kojom se ne slažem    A ne slažem se ni sa Kuferovom! Ja kao ateista poznajem mnogo religioznih ljudi koji nisu ekstremisti iz moje perspektive. Pa ovakva isključivost nas je i dovela ovde gde jesmo! Da ja sad moram da usisavam stan umesto da igram igre!!!

Ne moraš ti da se složiš, ako je moja bomba veća.

Svašta ću čuti na ovom forumu!!!!!!! Pretnje bombardovanjem!!!!! I to većinskim!!!!! Na temi koja je posvetila veliki deo postova kritikovanju onih koji prete bombardovanjem!!!!!!!! Da je duhovito pomislio bih da je u pitanju satirični diskurs!!!

Idi usisavaj. Nisi u formi.

Biti religiozan = ekstremista. Pa to je sinonim! Šta tu nije jasno?

Ekstremizam - verovanje da se do cilja najbolje dolazi ekstremnim sredstvima, ili verovanje da su ekstremna sredstva takođe validna sredstva.

Religioznost - osećanje potpomognuto od strane zvanične organizacije da postoji nešto izvan naše interesne sfere što je važnije od bilo čega u našoj interesnoj sferi.

Religioznog čoveka ja bih pre okarakterisao kao idealistu. Čovek veruje u ideal Boga. Nema veze sa ekstremizmom.

Kad bi ta logika vredela po lule duvana.

Pa nije ništa manje vredna od paušalnih izjava koje se ovde ispaljuju. 

"Paušalna" u tvom diskursu je bedan eufemizam. Sad ti proglasiš moj post za "bedan eufemizam".   A istina je svakako na mojoj strani.

Čuj, ja samo pokušavam da održim neki nivo diskusije!!!!!!! A Kufer i ti ga minirate!!!

Koji nivo diskusije?   Da nije Kfera i mene već bi te ekstremisti tukli.

skalop je najbolji u svemu, najbolja kufarica, najbolji tehnicar, politicar, ekonomista, spisatelj, nevjernik, vjernik, analiticar. nedostizan nivo svastarenja. samo jos da mi je znati ima li i najglasniju kosilicu za travu u soru.

Meni je važno da znam da me štiti od ekstremističkih nasrtaja dok ja bezbrižno igram igre ili slušam blek metal    Mirnije se spava!!!

Sta je sad "kao " stav Amerike povodom onog lincovanog ambasadora?
Mislim, Egipcanin snimi film o Muhamedu koji se "nekima" ne svidja, ovi "neki" linchuju Amerskog ambasadora ( go figure !?)...
i sta sad?
Nikom nista , gotovo!?
Zavrsena prica?

Quote from: Meho Krljic on 14-10-2012, 15:43:02
Meni je važno da znam da me štiti od ekstremističkih nasrtaja dok ja bezbrižno igram igre ili slušam blek metal    Mirnije se spava!!!

a, znaci ima i cookies? meho, kam tu de brajt sajd!

Quote from: SVAROG on 14-10-2012, 15:47:04
Sta je sad "kao " stav Amerike povodom onog lincovanog ambasadora?
Mislim, Egipcanin snimi film o Muhamedu koji se "nekima" ne svidja, ovi "neki" linchuju Amerskog ambasadora ( go figure !?)...
i sta sad?
Nikom nista , gotovo!?
Zavrsena prica?

Pa rekli su da će privesti krivce pravdi. Neki su već uhapšeni:



http://www.thetimes.co.uk/tto/news/world/americas/article3560219.ece

Quote
Two suspects in an attack that killed the United States Ambassador to Libya have been arrested in Istanbul, according to Turkish media
Two suspects in an attack that killed the United States Ambassador to Libya last month have been arrested in Istanbul, according to Turkish media.
Two Tunisian men were apprehended at about 11pm on Wednesday at the Atatürk airport after entering the country using fake passports, the television station Kanal D reported.
Christopher Stevens, Washington's envoy to Libya, died along with three consular staff in a terrorist attack on the consulate in Benghazi on September 11. The assault took place during a demonstration against Innocence of Muslims, a film made in the US that has caused outrage in the Muslim world

Ti ugodno ubeđivanje, kupovanje (raj, društveni položaj) i blage pretnje (paklom ili kamenovanjem) ne doživljavaš kao ekstremizam i nasilje?
= kuvana žaba 

Quote from: festus on 14-10-2012, 15:40:20
skalop je najbolji u svemu, najbolja kufarica, najbolji tehnicar, politicar, ekonomista, spisatelj, nevjernik, vjernik, analiticar. nedostizan nivo svastarenja. samo jos da mi je znati ima li i najglasniju kosilicu za travu u soru.

Ti nemaš baš nikakav argument, a toliko si toga nabrojao 

kopam kanale.

Quote from: Lord Kufer on 14-10-2012, 17:12:33
Ti ugodno ubeđivanje, kupovanje (raj, društveni položaj) i blage pretnje (paklom ili kamenovanjem) ne doživljavaš kao ekstremizam i nasilje?
= kuvana žaba 

Ti nisi napisao da je religija ekstremistička po svojoj filozofiji, već da biti religiozan znači biti ekstremista. Mislim da je dovoljno da navedem samo jednog religioznog čoveka koji me nije kamenovao, nije mi pretio paklom niti me kupovao društvenim položajem da oborim ovu tvoju tezu. Dakle, evo, moj prijatelj Vlajko je veoma religiozan (znači, posti, ide u manastire itd.) a nikada nije učinio ni jednu od ovih stvari ni meni niti ikom koga poznajemo. Dakle, biti religiozan ne znači biti ekstremista.

Nisi mu dao priliku.


Ne bih ja Meho, ali mi je zabavno da držim pažnju.

Dakle... neko je ekstremista samo ako mu njegovi neekstremni prijatelji daju priliku i stvore uslove da se ispolji? Oh, to su neke meke definicije ekstremizma!!!

Ma, ne tvoju pažnju. Jednosmeran si kao moja ulica. Zosku dajem priliku kad je već u kancelariji.

Biti hrvat znaci biti ekstremista.